Multi-alignment has replaced non-alignment—but can it deliver influence in an increasingly fragmented world?
In light of increasing global uncertainty, several important questions arise – What is India's stance in the global world order? Are multilateral institutions truly independent of the global superpowers? Are multilateral institutions still relevant in the current world order? How can India best utilize these institutions and establish a strong position for itself in the current global world order? This essay attempts to address these questions.
India, after its independence, was faced with the dilemma of aligning either with the USSR or the USA, the two rival Cold War blocs. India's initial approach was non-alignment, which meant it chose not to align with either of the blocs. As a newly independent country, it faced various pressing challenges like poverty, economic stagnation, rebuilding of the nation. Thus, siding with any of the countries would have meant compromising on its sovereignty. The two blocs responded to this decision in quite different ways. India made a dramatic change from its non-alignment position when it signed the Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Cooperation with Russia in 1971, against the backdrop of the Indo-Pakistan War. At the same time, the USA was also siding with Pakistan during the same war, making India and the US drift further apart.

Photo via Fiker Institute
With the disintegration of the USSR and the end of the Cold War in 1991, there was a substantial change in the global balance of power. The USA emerged as the sole superpower, marking the beginning of what many viewed as an era of American hegemony. Francis Fukuyama referred to this event as the "End of History" in his book ‘The End of History and The Last Man’ and propounded that liberal democracy represented the final stage in the evolution of political systems.
The 1990s Indo-U.S. confluence was also driven by a process of de-hyphenation. Until then, the U.S. had viewed India largely through the lens of Pakistan, with many of its regional policies driven by this notion. This de-hyphenation enabled greater engagement between the two countries. Since 2014, India’s foreign policy stance has gradually evolved from non-alignment to multi-alignment. In response to the rising global political uncertainties, Dr. S. Jaishankar quotes, "The future of India's foreign policy is based on multi-alignment and multipolarity”. With its policies of strategic alignment and reiterating the role of multilateralism, India has stood up as an important power in the rat race of global power domination.
Multilateral institutions have always been questioned for their relevance. The United Nations came on the floor as the end product of World War II in 1945 with the objective of preserving global peace and order. However, the onset of the Cold War in 1947 contradicted the very idea of global peace.
With the end of the Cold War and the disintegration of the USSR in 1991, the true goal of multilateralism was realised, often being termed the ‘golden age’ of multilateralism. Numerous international agreements and treaties pertaining human rights, trade, disarmament, and climate change - treaties that needed international consensus - were signed and executed by organizations such as the UN, UNHRC, WTO, and others. While realists call the international system anarchic, liberals disagree, arguing that it is not doomed to perpetual conflict and that international organizations are vital tools for promoting peace, stability, and interdependence, therefore welcoming the rise of multilateral institutions.
The applicability of these multilateral organizations has recently come under scrutiny once again. The UN's dearth of authority over the two of the most well-known kinetic conflicts in the world today – the Israel-Palestine conflict and the Russia-Ukraine war, is the clearest example we can see. Similarly, during uring COVID-19, we witnessed the global organizations' failure in coordinating an effective response to the pandemic during its early stages. There have been negligible international agreements in recent years on matters pertaining to trade and climate change. One of the greatest challenges remains securing consensus on responsibilities such as financial support from developed countries to help developing nations meet their climate commitments. This has therefore made it burdensome for the latter to balance sustainable development with economic growth.
The multilateral order appears to be weighed down by its own structural contradictions. The UN was created to cater the needs of the world having the largest number of members. But today it is itself burdened under its outdated features and under-representation. This becomes most evident in the P5 nations possessing the veto power that allow any one of them to block resolutions of immediate importance even when they are supported by the majority. Consequently, in 2023 UN Secretary General António Guterres proposed the idea of UN 2.0, a vision to build a United Nations system better equipped to support the member nations in the 21st century.
With the deterioration of confidence in the multilateral institutions there has been a rise of minilateral arrangements. These arrangements are known for their targeted problem-solving efforts, having like-minded countries which are speedy and nimble and are here to stay for the long term which is a positive interpretation. More minilateral institutions are forming which are issue-based because at the global level the fractures are becoming more vivid. At the same time, these minilateral arrangements are also not free of drawbacks. Some scholars have pointed out that such arrangements might lead to fragmentation by creating exclusive groupings that leave other significant countries outside the decision-making process.
The world order is also dealing with multiple global problems like climate change, pandemics, terrorism, supply chain disruptions, etc., which require global consensus. According to Professor Harsh V. Pant, "These international institutions are reflective of the larger power reality in the international structure; these institutions will not work unless the power configuration is such that it can generate a consensus" – a consensus that is essential for addressing today's transnational problems With China challenging the fundamental ideas of the global order and the USA withdrawing itself from major multilateral institutions, including various UN organizations like UNFCCC, Peacebuilding Commission, World Health Organization, etc., citing its national interests and sovereignty concerns, achieving such consensus has become increasingly difficult.
India's role therefore becomes indispensable in the changing world order. India can carve out a space for itself in this very prejudiced system by being a leader who mediates between the emerging countries and the established powers.India has been one of the principal countries behind the International Solar Alliance, which has over 120 members, reflecting its commitment to promoting sustainable development at a global level, a goal that was reiterated during its G20 presidency in 2023. The successful incorporation of the African Union as a member of the G20 has also proved to be a landmark achievement, reinforcing India's efforts towards securing inclusive growth.

Photo via SP's Land Forces
India has also been at the forefront of advocating for structural and systematic changes in the UN Security Council to reflect the contemporary geopolitical realities, particularly through the inclusion of countries from the Global South as permanent members. Similarly, India has called out other international organizations like the WTO, IMF, etc. to include more emerging economies and align with the idea of global governance. This reflects India's call for ‘reformed multilateralism', where it emphasises the need for flexible collaboration and involvement of the Global South in decision-making.
While India has proved itself to be an emerging power by aligning its national interest with its expanding international role, several domestic challenges persist which threaten to hinder India's leadership. India has a high per capita GDP and lifted around 171 million people out of extreme poverty; still, there are many structural challenges like regulatory hurdles, infrastructure issues, rising income inequality, environmental degradation and increased regional disparities. Thus, balancing these domestic priorities with its growing international commitments will be a crucial test of India's strategic vision and governance capacity.
As reflected in the Maha Upanishad and championed in recent years by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the philosophy of “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam” meaning ‘The World Is One Family’, captures India's vision of global unity, shared duty and people-focused development. In the evolving world order, where bridging the divide between the Global North and the Global South has become more important than ever, this philosophy offers a framework for cooperation rooted in inclusivity rather than competition.
About the AuthorMonishka Khandelwal has completed their Master's in Political Science from the University of Delhi. They have experience in research and academic writing, and their research interests span International Relations, geopolitics, diplomacy, gender studies, and public policy.
This essay is a part of the Spring'26 issue of The India Way—'Breaking Point: India and the Future of World Order'