A Palestinian construction worker in the Israel-Occupied West Bank made approximately $430 a month, the same job that legally paid anywhere between $1,890 and $2,380 (or, sometimes, even more) in Israel. There were around 150,000 such Palestinian labourers - many of whom held work permits and some who worked illegally - before the October 7 attacks, constituting around 29 per cent of Israel’s total workforce in construction. These labourers commuted across the border checkpoints daily for work, and were abruptly forced to put their lives and livelihoods on hold for an indefinite period of time. Beyond the individual distress caused to the workers, the Palestinian economy was also profoundly impacted, as the income from these workers had totalled $4 billion in 2022.
A Convenient Shortage in Labour
The Israeli economy had depended on cheap and low-skilled Palestinian labour in the areas of construction, agriculture and caregiving. There was a deficiency of such workers in Israel, which was effectively addressed by this labour supply. But when this workforce suddenly disappeared, Israel found itself at risk of falling into an acute labour crisis. This is when India - a country with a long history of standing for the Palestinian cause - held out a helping hand to Israel.Prime Minister Narendra Modi was the first world leader to contact Benjamin Netanyahu to express solidarity, a clear signal of growth in India’s relationship with the state of Israel. Although India had established full diplomatic relations with Israel in 1992, it was not until after the right-wing extremist BJP government came into power that Prime Minister Modi and Netanyahu significantly deepened bilateral ties. In recent years, India has emerged as Israel’s biggest buyer of arms and defence machinery.
As a result of this extensive strategic relationship, after just weeks of invalidating Palestinian work permits, India and Israel worked out a temporary employment scheme for Indian workers in Israel, to replace workers from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. By 2025, India sent more than 20,000 workers to Israel, who met the labour demand in the sectors of construction, agriculture, essential services and caregiving - construction alone accounting for 16,000 labourers.
 |
| Credits: India Today |
Whilst India had made passive attempts to appear as an anti-colonial voice in support of Palestine, it has strategically avoided being part of, or taken neutral stances at, active UN initiatives. India pledged $4 million for the reconstruction of Gaza at the 2014 Cairo International Conference on Palestine. It supported UN resolutions on the peaceful settlement of the Palestine issue or aid to refugees. This looks great in theory. Meanwhile, in practice, India abstained from the vote at the UN General Assembly for the ceasefire by Israel on 27 October 2023; and again in September 2024, from the General Assembly vote, which demanded that Israel end its “unlawful presence” in Palestine within 12 months. India has consistently evinced its hesitation to openly support the Palestinian fight for self-determination by avoiding resolutions that carry political or legal implications for Israel, and prioritising its own trade relations.
Labour Opportunity or Trap?
The labour arrangement strengthened the economic and political links between the two nations. Israel is to welcome 50,000 more workers from India by 2030. The pay is attractive, exceeding anything they could dream of receiving in India, which pulls them towards applying for it. But, according to the Ministry of External Affairs, the Indian workers are deliberately isolated, as having any family or relations in Israel disqualifies them. Applicants must declare themselves fit for heavy lifting and prolonged standing as part of their contract, and undergo physical tests for the same. Applicants’ mental state is also loosely mentioned among other physical illnesses as a condition that could prevent their recruitment. The state and the employer bear zero per cent of the transportation costs to and from Israel. It becomes the sole responsibility of the worker. Workers could be disqualified for a variety of reasons - which could also vary at the discretion of their employer - in which event their visas would be revoked, and they would be deported at their own expense back to India. In such a case, they would be barred from returning to Israel in the future. A worker visa is tied to a specific employer, and thus, changing employers would require them to get a fresh permit, limiting their freedom to choose their employer and working conditions. The contract is also strictly temporary with a cap of five years. The applications must do away with any intentions to settle. Evidence disclosed that workers have had to pay exorbitant recruitment fees, which went as high as $25,000 for Indian nationals. Workers reported that the majority were unaware that these payments were illegal. Furthermore, the complicity of authorities ensured that official grievances, whenever made, were dismissed, leaving complaining workers to lose out on the only opportunity they had. Hence, they would sell their assets or take loans to meet these payments, and be trapped by debt, even before starting their jobs. |
| Credits: MEA |
Many labour unions in India - Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU), All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC), Indian National Trade Union Congress (INTUC) - strongly opposed this policy, and submitted formal pleas to the government, urging that it not move forward with such an inhuman act that will steal the bread meant for Palestinians. Labour unions are concerned about the sheer cruelty of such a policy, which renders thousands of uneducated and low-skilled workers, who have no alternative opportunities for livelihoods, complicit in the economic displacement and exploitation of another vulnerable workforce. They were also highly sceptical about the safety and security of the workers. Israel’s reputation is not the best in its treatment of Palestinian workers. There are reports of harassment and torture (both physical and emotional) that transcend to unspeakable levels. The underprivileged workers from India - the majority unaware of the extent of horrors they are walking into - could be exploited at the hands of foreign employers and authorities. New Delhi promised hundreds of thousands of Indian workers despite the stories of Israeli abuse and torment of Palestinians.
The policy also reflects severe neglect and institutional apathy by the Indian government towards its workers, as they are deployed to a highly volatile, active war zone, to work for a country that has, time and again, committed heinous crimes and does not shy away from violating international humanitarian law through its actions. Such an act of benefiting from aiding the Israeli economy is equivalent to being conducive to its war crimes. While Indian labourers in Israel are at constant risk of losing their lives, the government continues to be indifferent, and promotes the arrangement as a special strategic partnership. This profound regional instability was underscored on 4 March 2024, when a missile attack launched by Lebanese militant group Hezbollah killed one Indian worker and injured some others, substantiating rife concerns about the grave dangers facing this vulnerable workforce.
A government that actually wants to protect the economically weaker sections of the nation would build job and livelihood opportunities for them at home, in its safety and community. But instead, by renting out thousands of workers on very stringent, ruthless terms to a foreign nation, the Indian government is publicly demonstrating where its unwavering support lies in this serious geopolitical issue. Labourers accept the offer from Tel Aviv because such opportunities are absent in India. And they will keep doing so - holding up the economy of a genocidal country - until India provides the jobs, the industry, and the land reforms at home.
About the Author: Bhadra Vineed
Bhadra Vineed is a recent graduate in Economics from Miranda House, University of Delhi. Her work focuses on labour markets and the political economy of trade in India.